Israelis will wake up Tuesday to vote in what has been dubbed by many as the most crucial elections in the country’s history. For the first time in my life, I will be among them, a single citizen exercising my right to cast a single ballot in an election booth in the city of Ashkelon.

My path started about four months earlier, when I came to Israel to film a number of projects. When Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called for an election I found myself wrapping up a Christmas special I was filming in Bethlehem. Notifications of this news lit up my phone like the decorated tree just outside, right in the middle of my meal at the Casanova restaurant near the church of the Nativity. I was speaking to two older Palestinians about the future and made them aware of the news. “So what,” said one while sipping on his coffee, “It won’t change a thing. Netanyahu will win, no one can beat him, and nothing will change.” I was taken aback by the despondent nature of his remark, and at that moment, I decided it was time for me to start working on a new documentary film.

 My Election is an uncompromising POV piece that explores the ever changing landscape of Israeli politics and battle for Israel’s future and shines a bright light on the fragility of democracy. For nearly 90 days, cameraman Lior Cohen, field producer Nimrod Itkin, and I travel across the country. We attend dozens of political rallies, primaries, and embed ourselves with politicians and media types that dictate the everyday political reality of the State of Israel.

 Our first major interview occurred in early January with the left-leaning Haaretz newspaper. “It’s one of the less important elections ever…I expect so little…” says columnist Gideon Levi, I ask him why he thinks that. “Because none of the candidates are offering a new start, a new beginning, a new policy, nothing! There is this policy in the Israeli left, either Netanyahu or not Netanyahu and the agenda is, just not Netanyahu. As if Netanyahu is Satan and after Netanyahu we will see the light.”

As the election picks up steam I realise Levi’s analysis turns out to be prescient. Indeed, while election issues were discussed in the media, Netanyahu was dubbed “King Bibi” and the majority of the discussion revolved around his character and notorious reign. “We are obsessed with Bibi,” says Ben Caspit, one of Israel’s best known investigative journalists, whose article led to the fraud investigation  against Netanyahu. “He has turned the Likud party to a party of fear and hatred…he comes from a revisionist household that believes that the whole world is against him, media included.”

READ: EXCLUSIVE: PRE-ELECTION Q AND A WITH MOSHE YA’ALON

Like in North America, the media play a major part in these and past Israeli elections. During my four months of filming, it’s become clear the media play a role beyond just disseminating information, but rather, one of actually shaping the outcome. It’s no surprise that two of Netanyahu’s legal investigations centre around his turbulent relationship with the Israeli media. Netanyahu (much like Donald Trump) is painting specific reporters (Caspit included) as liars. Posters of four of Israel’s major reporters go up across the country with the ominous caption “They will not decide.” Eldad Beck, a reporter for the paper Yisrael Hayom defends such political maneuvers to us, “look, most of the media in Israel is left and they constantly spin and attack Netanyahu…so yes, he does have a right to answer them. Reporters are not above criticism.”

 As our filming reaches the end of January, the most exciting campaign news is Benny Gantz, Likud’s main opponent and great hope of all those who hate Netanyahu, finally uttered a few sentences. Gantz kept quiet for the first four weeks of the campaign but when he finally decided to enter the fray, it was with a stammer. When his campaign song was released claiming that there’s no more right or left in Israel, many were perplexed. His speech was a collection of cliches in which Gantz refused to really take any sort of firm position. About the only thing Gantz seemed to be sure of is the fact that he’s the right person to be replacing Netanyahu.

When February hit, we finally found ourselves in documentary heaven. The primaries for the Likud, Labour, and Meretz party prove to be a treasure trove of drama – a real celebration of Israeli democracy. First up, the Likud primaries, colourful, bombastic, and absolutely ridiculous: our 18-hour day delivered Miri Regev’s jingle on how she is the greatest fighter for Israel, massive posters of various candidates, and not to be outdone, Oren Hazan taking selfies in-front of the election hall in Tel Aviv (and getting into fights with various Likud members who despise him).

One couldn’t walk away, however, without appreciating the sense of uniformity of the Likud party. “How do you feel about the possibility of your party being led by a prime minister who might end up in jail?” I ask Avi Dichter. He gives me a dirty look and attempts to spin the question, pointing out nothing has yet been proven in a court. I persist, “Still, he most likely will be indicted, do you believe he should govern?” But Dichter remains steadfast. “He is our leader and we support him.”

As we discover, most Likud members are cautious, a loyal flock of sheep following their shepherd, wherever he may lead. Even when I corner Gideon Saar, Netanyhu’s foe within the Likud party, he refuses to answer any questions about Netanyahu and walks away. “It’s going to be a fight,” says Likud MK Amir Ohana during a campaign event in the city of Ramla, but Likud will win. “How can you be so sure, they have three generals?” I object, “All we need is one Bibi.” he responds.

In stark contrast to Likud, the Labour Party primaries and that of Meretz proved to us how much the Israeli left does not matter to the majority of Israelis. Labour’s primary felt like a Shiva. For hours upon hours, all we were able to document are senior citizens who miss those wonderful “Mapay days.”

I ask a supporter what happened to the Labour Party, “Avi Gaby, he has ruined our party. He wants to be like Bibi and be a dictator.” he responds. The in-fighting of Labour Party is well known and has a long history. The running joke is that as soon as a leader is picked, the other members start figuring out ways to bring them down. “Israel stopped being a democracy because of Netanyahu” says Labour’s MK Merav Michaeli. Perplexed at her response, I said “How exactly? You and I are free to say what we want, can you point to a specific case where your democratic rights are being taken away?” She looks at her spokesperson and decides to end an interview abruptly. Overall, the complimentary food was much better at the Labour primaries but the discourse and scenes were not.

Beit Sokolow in Tel Aviv was one of the key primary stations for Israel’s “true left” political party, Meretz. To understand what happened to Israel’s left, one must take a look at Meretz. A mainly Tel Aviv based party whose ideas and ideology are still stuck somewhere in the 1990s. It seemed that more media show up to cover the Meretz primaries then actual Meretz voters. We follow Meretz’s leader Tamar Zandberg throughout the day. The usual slogans of two states, Meretz is the only way to build a strong government, and other run-of-the-mill pronouncements. All disregarding the reality of the polls predicting Meretz will, at best, get five seats in the next Knesset and, at worst, may not pass the threshold to be in the Knesset at all.

“What happened to the left? Israeli lives are very comfortable and they don’t trust the Palestinian leadership.” says Ynet’s senior report Attila Somfalvi. “There’s no partner on the other side and why would anyone give up land if missiles keep falling on us?” In these elections, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one of those main issues that everyone is staying away from, except for Meretz.

 As the campaing rolls on, Benny Gantz, Moshe Ya’alon, Gabi Ashkenazi, and Yair Lapid form the Blue and White party and the ugliness of Israel’s elections starts hitting its stride online. In fact, the majority of the election campaign occurs not in the real-world, in large halls with catered food, but rather online, on social media websites, where Netanyahu begins painting everyone from Blue and White as “weak and left-leaning.”

While hearts and minds are being courted online, on the campaign trail I am exposed to the diversity and strength of Israeli democracy. Nearly each day is packed with town hall meetings and debates. Israelis of all ages and political beliefs can be seen listening and discussing candidates and issues at bars, schools, synagogues, and convention centres. Questions range from legalization of cannabis to the Supreme Court. No nonsense tachlis conversations are happening both on and off stage for candidates as well. It’s not just slogans but also honest and uncompromising talk.  

 We join the controversial Otzma Yehudit party during one of its tours of the Ben Yehuda market in Jerusalem. “You need us in the Knesset,” says Itamar Ben Gvir to a supporter, “…we are the only ones that can make sure that Bibi does what he needs to do. If he doesn’t blow Gaza, kill terrorists and stops giving money to Hamas, we won’t be in his government.” A woman screams “leave you fascist, we don’t want you here!” while another man shouts “you’ll never win!” at Ben Gvir as he walks down Jaffa Street. “You need to look at the polls,” answers Ben Gvir with a smile on his face as the two almost get into a shoving match.

March does not disappoint and comes in like a lion as the rise of extreme right political parties is evident throughout the month. In January I recognized that Zehut’s party leader Moshe Feiglin will be a major force to deal with and decided to follow him to various events. In a bar in Jerusalem, surrounded by a large number of pot enthusiasts, Feiglin is adored and treated as if he’s a movie star. Feiglin’s strategy for the election is subversive, he pretends and loudly protests he is not popular because of his progressive views on legalizing cannabis use. “Feiglin is lying to people,” says Ka’an senior anchor Yaron Deckel, “…he might get in because of cannabis, but everyone is ignoring his very extreme right wing beliefs.” Feiglin recently released a 340-page book where he lays out his case for the folly of Israel’s yearning to be accepted as a member in good standing amongst other nations with regards to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict – calling it quixotic.

 As the campaigns intensify, the Blue and White party gathers popularity. They are beating Netanyahu in the polls and after weeks of back and forth with their campaign manager, I am finally given permission to follow and interview Moshe “Bogie” Ya’alon. During Purim celebration I follow him on the streets of Jerusalem. He is honest, direct, and charming with the public, offering all manner of cliches as we walk through the crowd. He smiles for selfies, holds babies, answers questions with appropriate sound bites, and even shakes hands with those who tell him that they think he’s a great guy, but they are only voting for Bibi. A week before the end of the elections the international media is invited to hear Benny Gantz speak to the Anglo community of Tel Aviv.

 The room is packed with over 2,000 people and nearly 50 media types from all over the world. Gantz is impressive. He is charming, funny, and above all, genuine. He answers hecklers and those who came to ask him about his mental fitness to lead the country (doubts were cast by the Likud’s campaign). The next day we arrive to film at Rothschild Boulevard, where citizens from the south of Israel have arrived to protest. Inside a media circle, we capture Benny Gantz, sitting on the grass, listening. He is attentive and honest about what can be done to try and eliminate or minimize Hamas’s on-going missile terror campaign. I follow him as he gets up and starts heading towards his car, finding myself in front of him, feeling pressured for time I hurriedly begin asking him a question when he reaches out towards me and saves me from hitting a glass protector of a bus stop behind me. I can’t believe it, Benny Gantz is embracing my shoulder. I smile in embarrassment and he tells me to ask my question, “How do you feel about the campaign so far?” “We will win, we will win. We will definitely win!” Unceremoniously, he enters his car and drives off.

On Tuesday, I will walk into my old elementary school in Ashkelon and vote for the first time in my life in an Israeli election. For nearly four months I followed the Israeli elections in great detail. Despite all the gloom and doom that one is used to hearing about Israel, the last four months have proved to me Israel’s democracy is alive and well. Fourty-seven parties are running, small, large, old and new guard, there’s even a Pirate party. Free speech and expression is enjoyed by all as Israel’s democracy thrives, arguably more so than its Western allies, and considering the neighbourhood that’s a laudable achievement.